Notes

1 Alexis de Tocqueville, L'ancien régime et la révolution (Paris, 1856); Alexis de Tocqueville, Oeuvres complètes, ed. Jacob Peter Mayer, 2 vols. (Paris, 1952), bk. 2, chap. 3: 119. My translation: "This old community constitution can be found among all the nations that have been organized on a feudal basis, and in all the countries where these nations have carried the remnants of their laws. . . . I remember that when I was doing research on the nature of the old-regime community . . . in the archives of an intendancy I was surprised to find in such a poor and bound village several amazing traits which had previously attracted my attention in the rural communities of America. I had erroneously considered these traits a unique feature of the New World."

2 The term Kommunalismus was used first by Adolf Gasser in 1939. In an attempt to defend what he regarded as genuinely Swiss political culture against the increasing power of National Socialism, Gasser described communalism as a political tradition based on democratically ordered communities providing an alternative to nondemocratic centralized systems. See Adolf Gasser, Geschichte der Volksfreiheit und der Demokratie (Aarau, 1939), and, more important, Adolf Gasser, Gemeindefreiheit als Rettung Europas, 2d ed. (Basel, 1947), reprinted in Adolf Gasser and Franz-Ludwig Knemeyer, eds., Gemeindefreiheit - kommunale Selbstverwaltung (Munich, 1983), 15-30, 149-162. See also Robert Scribner, "Communalism: Universal Category or Ideological Construct?" Historic Journal 37 (1994): 199-207.

3 Peter Blickle, Kommunalismus: Skizzen einer gesellschaftlichen Organisationsform, 2 vols. (Munich, 2000), 2:374. See also Peter Blickle, "Kommunalismus: Begriffsbildung in heuristischer Absicht," in Peter Blickle, ed., Landgemeinde und Stadtgemeinde in Mitteleuropa: Ein struktureller Vergleich (Munich, 1991), 5-38.

4 Wolfgang Kaschuba, "Kommunalismus als sozialer 'common sense,'" in Blickle, ed., Landgemeinde und Stadtgemeinde, 78-86.

5 Cf. Blickle, "Kommunalismus: Begriffsbildung," passim; Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:40-69.

6 Volker Press, "Kommunalismus oder Territorialismus," in Heiner Timmermann, ed., Bildung des frühmodernen Staates (Saarbrücken, 1989), 119-21, 126.

7 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:23, 41-51. For concrete examples from the Mosel area, see Marlene Nikolay-Panter, Enstehung und Entwicklung der Landgemeinde im Trierer Raum, Rheinisches Archiv, vol. 97 (Bonn, 1976), 69-77.

8 See Georg Schmidt, "Die Freien und die Reichsstädte im Schmalkaldischen Bund," in Volker Press and Dieter Stievermann, eds., Martin Luther: Probleme seiner Zeit (Stuttgart, 1986), 177-218. Catherine Kegel-Schorer, "Bauern als Republikaner: Die Freien auf der Leutkircher Heide," in Peter Blickle, ed., Politische Kultur in Oberschwaben (Tübingen, 1993), 97-117.

9 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:137-42; Peter Blickle, Landschaften im Alten Reich (Munich, 1973). See also Karl Bosl, "Repräsentierte und Repräsentierende: Vorformen und Traditionen des Parlamentarismus an der gesellschaftlichen Basis der deutschen Territorialstaaten vom 16. bis 18. Jahrhundert," in Karl Bosl and Karl Möckl, eds., Der moderne Parlamentarismus und seine Grundlagen in der ständischen Repräsentation (Berlin, 1977), 99-120. On the Reich level, Emperor Maximilian I fought in vain against the imperative mandate. See Heinz Rausch, "Repräsentation: Wort, Begriff, Kategorie, Prozess, Theorie," in idem, 74.

10 Bosl, "Repräsentierte und Repräsentierende," 99, 109.

11 Jennifer Loach, "The House of Commons, 1528-1603," in Robert Smith and John Moore, eds., The House of Commons (London, 1996), 70-82. Jack Richon Pole, Political Representation in England and the Origins of the American Republic (London, 1966), 3-5. Blickle, Kommunalismus, 2:108-21.

12 Virgina Dejohn Anderson, New England's Generation: The Great Migration and the Formation of Society and Culture in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 89.

13 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 2:108-21, 263-4.

14 Timothy H. Breen, "Persistent Localism: English Social Change and the Shaping of New England Institutions," in Timothy H. Breen, ed., Puritans and Adventurers: Change and Persistence in Early America (New York, 1980), 3-24. Breen here distanced himself from Jackson Turner Main. Main used the term localist - the opposite of "cosmopolitan" or "urban" - to mean "rural" with overtones of "backward." The leadership of the agrarian hinterland of eighteenth-century America is defined as "localist": It failed to participate in interregional trade and lacked higher education. In contrast, the "cosmopolitans," the proto-bourgeois merchant elite of the coastal towns, are considered the driving force behind modernization. See Jackson Turner Main, Political Parties Before the Constitution (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1973), 32-3.

15 Michael Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms: New England Towns in the Eighteenth Century, 2d ed. (Westport, Conn., 1983), 4.

16 Winthrop drafted an act concerning the taxation of towns in which he stressed the privileges of the communities just months before he left Britain. This draft might have been a response to the king's attempts to interfere with the tax system; see John Winthrop, "Draft of Assessment Bill," in Samuel Eliot Morison et al., eds., The Winthrop Papers, 6 vols. (Boston, 1929), 1:418-19.

17 Breen, "Persistent Localism," 5-13. For a short survey of the intellectual history of representation in the Anglo-Saxon context, see also Pole, Political Representation in England, 3-38.

18 Kenneth Lockridge and Alan Kreider, "The Evolution of Massachusetts Town Government, 1640 to 1740," William and Mary Quarterly 3, no. 23 (1966): 549-74. Pole, Political Representation in England, 33-75.

19 See, e.g., the controversy concerning discretionary justice and appeals in the 1630s or the relative ease with which the freemen voted Winthrop out of office, in Samuel Eliot Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony (Boston, 1930; reprint, Boston, 1981), 228-30; see also Edgar McManus, Law and Liberty in Early New England: Criminal Justice and Due Process, 1620-1692 (Amherst, Mass., 1993), 79-81.

20 "At the Convention of the Representatives . . ." (Boston, 1689), reprinted in John Cushing, ed., The Laws and Liberties of Massachusetts, 1641-1691, 3 vols. (Wilmington, Del., 1976), 3:643.

21 "Laws and Liberties," reprinted in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 1:42.

22 Robert Brown, Middle-Class Democracy and the Revolution in Massachusetts, 1691-1780, 2d ed. (New York, 1968), 21-60. See also Katherine Brown, "Freemanship in Puritan Massachusetts," American Historical Review 59 (1953): 865-83. Katherine Brown, "Puritan Democracy: A Case Study," Mississippi Valley Historical Review 50 (1963): 377-96. Brown, Middle-Class Democracy, 21-41.

23 Bosl, "Repräsentierte und Repräsentierende," 109; Brown, Middle-Class Democracy.

24 This does not spell an identification of representation and democracy. On the contrary, both systems will be even more clearly distinguished from each other. See also Rausch, "Repräsentation," 69-98.

25 Brown, Middle-Class Democracy, 365-400. Wolfgang Schmale, "Zur politischen Vorstellungswelt der französischen Bauern am Vorabend der Revolution," in Winfried Schulze, ed., Aufklärung, Politisierung und Revolution: Bochumer Früh-neuzeitstudien (Pfaffenweiler, 1991), 107-45.

26 Cf. Timothy H. Breen, "Introduction," in Breen, ed., Puritans and Adventurers, xiii-xv. Kenneth Lockridge, Settlement and Unsettlement in Early America (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), 23. Blickle, Kommunalismus, 36.

27 Neithard Bulst, "Rulers, Representative Institutions, and Their Members as Power Elites: Rivals or Partners?" in Wolfgang Reinhard, ed., Power Elites and State Building (Oxford, 1996), 44-7.

28 Welskopp opposed this view. Cf. Thomas Welskopp, "Stolpersteine auf dem Königsweg: Methodenkritische Anmerkungen zum internationalen Vergleich in der Gesellschaftsgeschichte," Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 35 (1995): 339-67.

29 Heinz-Gerhard Haupt and Jürgen Kocka, "Historischer Vergleich: Methoden, Aufgaben, Probleme: Eine Einleitung," in Heinz-Gerhard Haupt and Jürgen Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich: Ansätze und Ergebnisse international vergleichender Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), 15-16. In addition, Triebel stressed selectivity as a main quality of comparative historiography. See Armin Triebel, Die Pragmatik des Gesellschaftsvergleichs (Leipzig, 1997), 18-21.

30 Haupt and Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich, 21-5. For older approaches, see the overview by Hans-Jürgen Puhle, "Theorien in der Praxis des vergleichenden Historikers," in Jürgen Kocka and Thomas Nipperdey, eds., Theorie und Erzählung in der Geschichte (Munich, 1979), 119-36.

31 To this day, Bloch's short essay is one of the most important contributions to the theory of comparative historiography. See Marc Bloch, "Pour une histoire comparée des sociétés européennes," Revue de synthèse historique 46 (1928): 15-50, reprinted in Marc Bloch, Mélanges historiques, 2 vols. (Paris, 1963), 1:16-40.

32 Michel Espagne, "Sur les limites du comparatisme en histoire culturelle," Génèses 17 (1994): 112-21. Haupt and Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich, 10, clearly distinguish comparisons from the study of interrelations. Cf. the criticism of Werner Daum, "Fallobst oder Steinschlag: Einleitende Überlegungen zum historischen Vergleich," in Helga Schnabel-Schüle, ed., Vergleichende Perspektiven - Perspektiven des Vergleichs: Studien zur europäischen Geschichte von der Spätantike bis ins 20. Jahr-hundert (Mainz, 1998), 1-21, esp. 10-11. For a new theory of cultural transfers and a case study, see Wolfgang Schmale, Historische Komparatistik und Kulturtransfer (Bochum, 1998).

33 Antoon van den Braembussche, "Historical Explanation and Comparative Method: Towards a Theory of the History of Society," History and Theory 28 (1989): 1-24, esp. 21-4. I tried to put into practice the systemic approach suggested by Van den Braembussche's critical theory: Johannes Dillinger, "Böse Leute": Hexenverfolgungen in Schwäbisch-Österreich und Kurtrier im Vergleich, Trierer Hexenprozesse, vol. 5 (Trier, 1999).

34 Chris Lorenz, Konstruktion der Vergangenheit: Eine Einführung in die Geschichtstheorie, Beiträge zur Geschichtskultur, vol. 13 (Cologne, 1997), 231-77.

35 Haupt and Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich, 17-19.

36 Otto Hintze, "Weltgeschichtliche Bedingungen der Repräsentativverfassung," Historische Zeitschrift 143 (1931): 1-47, reprinted in Gerhard Oestreich, ed., Otto Hintze: Staat und Verfassung, 3d ed. (Göttingen, 1970), 140-85. Cf. Schieder's criticism in Theodor Schieder, "Möglichkeiten und Grenzen vergleichender Methoden in der Geschichtswissenschaft," in Theodor Schieder, ed., Geschichte als Wissenschaft (Munich, 1965), 201-2.

37 Émil Durkheim, Die Regeln der soziologischen Methode (Frankfurt am Main, 1995), esp. 205-17 (French ed., Paris, 1895). The Enlightenment assumed the existence of a stable set of humane behavior patterns similar to the laws of nature. This notion suggested "rules of history" and the possibility of analogous and generalizing comparisons as a means to overcome lacking source materials. Cf. Schieder, "Möglichkeiten und Grenzen," 198-201; Haupt and Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich, 14; Triebel, Die Pragmatik des Gesellschaftsvergleichs, 20-1.

38 Schieder, "Möglichkeiten und Grenzen," 202-4; Haupt and Kocka, eds., Geschichte und Vergleich, 19-20. Schieder regarded Hintze's work as an example of synthesizing comparison. This is open to doubt because Hintze was not concerned with synthesis but rather with causation.

39 Max Weber, "Die 'Objektivität' sozialwissenschaftlicher und sozialpolitischer Erkenntnis," in Johannes Winckelmann, ed., Max Weber: Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Wissenschaftslehre (Tübingen, 1973), 190-213.

40 Leopold von Ranke, "Über die Epochen der neueren Geschichte," in Theodor Schieder and Helmut Berding, eds., Leopold von Ranke: Aus Werk und Nachlass, 2 vols. (Munich, 1971), lecture 18: 349-83. Alexander Gerschenkron, Economic Backwardness in Historical Perspective (Cambridge, Mass., 1962). Barrington Moore, Soziale Ursprünge von Diktatur und Demokratie (Frankfurt am Main, 1969).

41 John Fairfield Sly, Town Government in Massachusetts (1620-1930) (Cambridge, Mass., 1930), 53-68.

42 Press, "Kommunalismus oder Territorialismus," 127.

43 J. Wayne Baker, Heinrich Bullinger and the Covenant: The Other Reformed Tradition (Athens, Ohio, 1980), 1-54, 166-74. For the influence of Calvin, see Everett Emerson, "Calvin and Covenant Theology," Church History 25 (1956): 136-44. For covenant theology, see Avihu Zakai, Theocracy in Massachusetts: Reformation and Separation in Early Puritan New England (Lewiston, N.Y., 1994), and the "classic" Perry Miller, The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass., 1939; reprint, New York, 1983), 365-462.

44 John Frederick Martin, Profits in the Wilderness: Entrepreneurship and the Founding of New England Towns in the Seventeenth Century (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1991), 139-42. See also the listing and categorization of founding documents provided in Daniel J. Elazar, "Covenant and Constitutionalism: The Great Frontier and the Matrix of Federal Democracy," in Daniel J. Elazar, The Covenant Tradition in Politics, 4 vols. (New Brunswick, N.J., 1995-1998), 3:22-3, 32, which is based on material found in Donald Lutz, ed., Documents of Political Foundation Written by Colonial Americans (Philadelphia, 1986). See also Anderson, New England's Generation, 93-5, 128.

45 Peter Blickle, Die Revolution von 1525 (Munich, 1977), 147-50, 226-42. Founded on communal obligation and confirmed by oath, such Verbündnisse commanded the collective power of the community. They could employ their own lawyers and dealt routinely with the officials of the princes. The Verbündnis of the "confoederirte Underthanen" of the village of Wehrheim, for example, self-confidently presented the archbishop of Trier and the count of Nassau-Dillenburg at the end of the seventeenth century with their Resolutionen (official decisions), which quoted the Bible and Roman law in a scholarly fashion; Hessisches Hauptstaatsarchiv Wiesbaden, 369/453, verbal quotation fol. 57v. For the political significance of the Verbündnis with concrete examples, see Walter Rummel, Bauern, Herren und Hexen (Göttingen, 1991), 26-37.

46 Paolo Prodi, Das Sakrament der Herrschaft, Schriften des Italienisch-Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Trient, vol. 11 (Berlin, 1997), 208-9, 217-21. André Holenstein, "Seelenheil und Untertanenpflicht: Zur gesellschaftlichen Funktion und theoretischen Begründung des Eides in der ständischen Gesellschaft," in Peter Blickle, ed., Der Fluch und der Eid: Die metaphysische Begründung gesellschaftlichen Zusammenlebens und politischer Ordnung in der ständischen Gesellschaft, Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, Beiheft 15 (Berlin, 1993), 18-20, 33-40, 59-63.

47 Elazar, "Covenant and Constitutionalism," 23.

48 Jean Bodin, Sechs Bücher über den Staat (Paris, 1576), ed. Peter Mayer-Tasch and Bernd Wimmer, 2 vols. (Munich, 1981), bk. 1, chap. 8; bk. 3, chap. 7, in 1:223-4, 521-2, 540-6. See Prodi, Das Sakrament der Herrschaft, 208-9.

49 "Laws and Liberties," in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 1:62-5.

50 "Body of Liberties, Art. 3," in ibid., 3:690.

51 J. G. A. Pocock, The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition (Princeton, N.J., 1975): 407, 507-21.

52 Rausch, "Repräsentation," 87. See the excellent survey by Bulst, "Rulers, Representative Institutions," passim. See, e.g., the pioneering study by Franz Quar-thal, Landstände und landständisches Steuerwesen in Schwäbisch-Österreich (Stuttgart, 1980).

53 Bosl, "Repräsentierte und Repräsentierende," 110-20. Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:139-42.

54 John Kirby, "Early American Politics - The Search for Ideology," Journal of Politics 32 (1970): 808-38.

55 Edward Cook, The Fathers of the Towns: Leadership and Community Structure in Eighteenth-Century New England (Baltimore, 1976), esp. 42-50, 98-118, 159-63, 185-6.

56 Jack P. Greene, "Society, Ideology, and Politics," in Richard Jellison, ed., Society, Freedom, and Conscience: The American Revolution in Virginia, Massachusetts, and New York (New York, 1976), 14-76.

57 Martin, Profits in the Wilderness, 37-45.

58 P. M. G. Harris, "The Social Origins of American Leader: The Demographic Foundations," Perspectives in American History 3 (1969): 159-344.

59 See the short survey by Michael Zuckerman, "Tocqueville, Turner, and Turds: Four Stories of Manners in Early America," Journal of American History 85 (1998): 13-42, esp. 13-16. Pocock described deference patterns as an integral part of republicanism. See Pocock, Machiavellian Moment, 485-86, 515-17, 531-8.

60 Zuckerman's recent polemic against the deference paradigm is not always convincing. His speculations about "the very nature of the American character" and its supposedly radical egalitarian principles are hardly less self-referential than the "deference" concept. Zuckerman's examples of a complete lack of deference in eighteenth-century America demonstrate how difficult it is to use anecdotal evidence in this field of study. Zuckerman, Tocqueville, passim. Cf. also the commentary by Robert Gross, "The Impudent Historian: Challenging Deference in Early America," Journal of American History 85 (1998): 92-7.

61 Friedrich Zunkel, "Ehre, Reputation," in Otto Brunner, Werner Conze, and Reinhart Koselleck, eds., Geschichtliche Grundbegriffe: Historisches Lexikon zur politisch-sozialen Sprache in Deutschland, 8 vols. (Stuttgart, 1972-1993), 2:1-63. Ludgera Vogt and Arnold Zingerle, eds., Ehre - Archaische Momente in der Moderne (Frankfurt am Main, 1994), 71-2.

62 Timothy H. Breen, The Character of the Good Ruler (New Haven, Conn., 1970), 36, 43, 48.

63 John Norton, The Heart of N-England rent at the Blasphemies of the present Generation (Cambridge, 1659), 40-3. In England, Gerrard Winstanley failed to attract Puritan support. It is interesting to note that Norton did not even mention the Diggers in his sermon: The German peasant revolutionaries of the sixteenth century probably had become the stock-in-trade example of ungodly ochlocracy.

64 William Hubbard, The Happiness of a People: In the Wisdome of their Rulers directing and in the obedience of their Brethren attending unto what Israel ought do (Boston, 1676), 7.

65 Breen, Character of the Good Ruler, 59-60. See also Lee Schweninger, John Winthrop (Boston, 1990), 108-13.

66 John Winthrop, "Defense of the Negative Vote" (1643), in Forber, ed., Winthrop Papers, 4:382-3, italics added.

67 John Winthrop, "Letter to the Elders of the Massachusetts Churches," in Forber, ed., Winthrop Papers, 4:359-61, 359. In 1634 Winthrop had opposed the establishment of a legislative body that was to represent the towns. See Edmund S. Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma, 2d ed. (New York, 1999), 99-101.

68 Miller noticed the contradiction between election and divine calling but did not venture to interpret it. Joshua Miller, The Rise and Fall of Democracy in Early America, 1630-1789: The Legacy for Contemporary Politics (University Park, Pa., 1991), 28.

69 The short catalog of political ideas of eighteenth-century French peasants suggested by Schmale listed the relationship between community and territory as a point of interest, but did not consider it a key issue. Schmale's catalogue is too heterogeneous; it includes not only various layers of political skills, knowledge, and objectives but also patterns of individual behavior, such as "selbstsicher . . . irrational . . . lethargisch." Schmale, Vorstellungswelt, 142-5.

70 Cf. Münch's skepticism concerning models of political mentalities designed for the early modern period that witnessed the dissolution of estates but not the formation of classes. Paul Münch, "Grundwerte der frühneuzeitlichen Stände-gesellschaft? Aufriß einer vernachlässigten Thematik," in Winfried Schulze and Helmut Gabel, eds., Ständische Gesellschaft und soziale Mobilität (Munich, 1988), 60-1, 64-6.

71 Schmale, Vorstellungswelt, 42-5.

72 Lockridge, Settlement and Unsettlement, 43. See also Jack P. Greene, Pursuits of Happiness: The Social Development of Early Modern British Colonies and the Formation of American Culture (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988), esp. 50-2.

73 Breen, "Introduction," xvii.

74 Kaschuba, Kommunalismus als sozialer 'common sense,'" 85-90.

75 See the illuminating conference report by André Holenstein, Beat Kümin, and Andreas Würgler, "Diskussionsbericht," in Peter Blickle, ed., Landgemeinde und Stadtgemeinde in Mitteleuropa: Ein struktureller Vergleich (Munich, 1991): 489-505, esp. 503-4. See also Peter Hibst, Utilitas publica - Gemeiner Nutz - Gemeinwohl: Untersuchungen zur Idee eines politischen Leitbegriffs von der Antike bis zum späten Mittelalter (Frankfurt am Main, 1991).

76 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:88-106; André Holenstein, "Bauern zwischen Bauernkrieg und Dreissigjährigem Krieg," in Lother Gall et al., eds., Enzyklopädie deutscher Geschichte (Munich, 1996): 38:15-21, 25-6, 117.

77 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:88.

78 Quoted according to ibid., 1:101.

79 John Winthrop, "A Modell of Christian Charity," in Mitchell, ed., Winthrop Papers, 2:282-95, 283.

80 "Laws and Liberties," in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 1:62. "Oath of a Freeman," in Charles J. Hoadly, ed., Records of the Colony and Plantation of New Haven, from 1638 to 1649 (Hartford, Conn., 1857), 62-3. "Free Mans Charge," in J. Hammond Trumbull and Charles J. Hoadly, eds., The Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, 15 vols. (Hartford, Conn., 1850-1890), 1:19.

81 "Laws and Liberties," in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 1:5-6.

82 Martin, Profits in the Wilderness, 28-37, 245-53.

83 Münch, "Grundwerte der frühneuzeitlichen Ständegesellschaft?" 66-71. Mack Walker, German Home Towns: Community, State, and General Estate, 1648-1871, 2d ed. (Ithaca, N.Y., 1998), 133-7. For Blickle, order did not play a major role in the communalist system of norms. See the short allusion in Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:93.

84 Anderson, New England's Generation, 89-91. See also Martin, Profits in the Wilderness, 9-45, 149-67.

85 Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms, 70-1.

86 See, e.g., Jonathan Mitchel, Nehmiah on the Wall (Cambridge, 1671), 4. Discussing the duties of rulers (i.e., the members of the Boston General Court), Mitchel stated that property issues were of hardly any avail for politics. At most, rulers were supposed to care for the subsistence of their "subjects." See also Jack Richon Pole, The Gift of Government: Political Responsiblitiy from the English Restoration to American Independence (Athens, Ga., 1983), 16-17. For Europe, see Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:106-10; 2:197-222. Blickle accepted Renate Blickle's suggestion that the Hausnotdurft (i.e., subsistence of every peasant household) is to be regarded as an objective of the town. It seems questionable whether the interest of the individual households and that of the community can be equated. See Renate Blickle, "Hausnotdurft," in Günther Birtsch, ed., Grund- und Freiheitsrechte von der ständischen zur spätbürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Göttingen, 1987), 42-64.

87 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:110-15; 2:186-7. See also Bernhard Schildt, "Der Friedensgedanke im frühneuzeitlichen Dorfrecht," Zeitschrift der Savigny Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 197 (1990): 188-235.

88 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 2:175-94.

89 Helga Schnabel-Schüle, Überwachen und Strafen im Territorialstaat: Bedingungen und Auswirkungen des Systems strafrechtlicher Sanktionen im frühneuzeitlichen Württemberg (Cologne, 1997): 203-4, 329-32; Holenstein, "Seelenheil und Untertanenpflicht," 11-13; Holenstein, "Bauern zwischen Bauernkrieg," 20-1.

90 McManus, Law and Liberty in Early New England, 38-71.

91 Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms, 54-5.

92 Mitchel, Nehmiah on the Wall, 2.

93 "Body of Liberties," in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 3:690. For very similar wording in the preamble of Connecticut's first law code, see Trumbull, Public Records of the Colony of Connecticut, 509.

94 Morison, Builders of the Bay Colony, 228-30. See also Johannes Dillinger, "Die Gemeinde, die Kolonie, der Sünder: Grundlagen des Strafrechts im kolonialen Neuengland," in Helga Schnabel-Schüle, ed., Rahmenbedingungen der Strafjustiz in der Frühen Neuzeit im internationalen Vergleich (forthcoming).

95 Winthrop, "A Modell of Christian Charity," 294.

96 Johann Jakob Scotti, ed., Sammlung der Gesetze und Verordnungen welche in dem vormaligen Churfürstenthum Trier über Gegenstände der Landeshoheit, Verfassung, Verwaltung und Rechtspflege ergangen sind, 3 vols. (Düsseldorf, 1832), 1:555, no. 152.

97 E.g., Günther Franz, ed., Quellen zur Geschichte des Bauernkrieges, 2 vols. (Munich, 1963), 2:16, 228, 232, 367

98 For Hobbes and communalism, see Manfred Walther, "Kommunalismus und Vertragstheorie," in Peter Blickle and Elisabeth Müller-Luckner, eds., Theorien kommunaler Ordnung in Europa (Munich, 1996), 137-42.

99 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:43, 93-5.

100 Hoadly, Records of the Colony and Plantation of New Haven, 11-18.

101 Mitchel, Nehmiah on the Wall, 5.

102 "At the Convention of the Representatives," in Cushing, ed., Laws and Liberties, 3:643.

103 Miller, Rise and Fall of Democracy, 35.

104 Blickle, Kommunalismus, 1:111-12. For witchcraft accusations and conflicts within village communities, see Paul Boyer and Stephen Nissenbaum, Salem Possessed: The Social Origins of Witchcraft (Cambridge, 1974), 179-216. Rainer Walz, Hexenglaube und magische Kommunikation im Dorf der frühen Neuzeit (Paderborn, 1993). Dillinger, Böse Leute.

105 Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms, 166-86.

106 For Tönnies's concept of Gemeinschaft versus Gesellschaft and its consequences, see Sibylle Tönnies, "Gemeinschaft oder Gesellschaft - ein Werturteil?" in Lars Clausen and Franz Pappi, eds., Ankunft bei Tönnies (Kiel, 1981), 172-81.

107 Zuckerman, Peaceable Kingdoms, 118-19.

108 Holenstein, "Bauern zwischen Bauernkrieg," 42. Edmund S. Morgan, Visible Saints: The History of a Puritan Idea, 2d ed. (Ithaca, N.Y., 1965), 11-14.

109 Rausch, "Repräsentation," 73. The Browns argued that democracy defined as "government elected by and satisfactory to the majority of the people" had de facto arrived in New England with the earliest settlers, see Brown, Middle-Class Democracy, 404-8. See also Brown, "Puritan Democracy," 377-96, definition 396. Miller's distinction between democracy and liberalism reduces democracy to direct democracy and thereby turns a blind eye to the central importance of representative institutions in Puritan New England. See Miller, Rise and Fall of Democracy, 10-14.